Depending on the party subset they belong to, Democrats processed the humiliation of Donald Trump coming within five points of upsetting Kamala Harris in New Jersey with equal parts rage, terror, torment, sadness, and blame for someone else amid the madness.

Women blamed men, men blamed men, women blamed women. Men blamed women. One group singled out another. “Those guys. Those guys.” And another. And another. A party briefly held together by the ticket of Joe Biden and Kamala Harris now felt the intimate, finger-pointing fracture of that duo and the lack of one without the other, magnified across a country fraught with party division and fear.

Disorganized, the only thing some of them felt they could do was, well, organize.

Good thing there’s an election next year.

On Wednesday, operatives sat on a telephone call preparing for the imminent 2025 gubernatorial announcement of U.S. Rep. Mikie Sherrill (D-11). Farther north, the allies of U.S. Rep. Josh Gottheimer (D-5) began summoning the finishing touches of his imminent rollout. Each side felt confident about how they could message their candidate as what New Jersey Democrats – and ultimately all New Jerseyans, and maybe, for that matter, the country, desperate to change a hellish headline – need to staunch the bleeding.

Sherill’s people talked about public service (the congresswoman served in the U.S. Navy as a helicopter pilot), the power of the image of a woman standing astride the smoking rubble of 2024 and reemergent Trump agony, and the galvanizing effect of her heading up the still-stinging suburban forces of Roe v. Wade reversal. Of course, there’s more to it than that. They also recognized that they didn’t want to get lulled – as Democrats did at the national level when the careerists decided to try to give Biden another go, until they couldn’t – into 2022 midterm complacency by trusting that a frontloaded pro-abortion message could get the job done. They knew they would have to build beyond Harris’ perceived party for, by, and of women. But that would be easy with Sherrill, they said, who, as a government service-minded, law and order centrist first chased Rodney Frelinghuysen from the field and built a 2018 coalition that to this day makes Morris and Essex counties at least feel truly neighborly.

The hard-nosed pragmatist with a lot of money, Gottheimer himself on the eve of a campaign announcement could try to sell himself as that white male Democrat capable of restoring the party’s sensible center. Tough, and out front on tax fairness and federal budget issues, Gottheimer could also presumably pull back into the fold his party’s Trump-lapsing Jewish adherents. But that’s not all he’s about. Gottheimer knew he would have to be more than just the guy who could beat Scott Garrett in a chin-up contest. Garrett never showed up, for the record, prior to Gottheimer soundly defeating him by arguing that the pre-MAGA incumbent cared so little for government that he didn’t bother bringing any bacon home to the firehouses and police stations. If full-fledged MAGA Bill Spadea were to emerge as his party’s nominee for governor, Gottheimer already had the strategy ready to go.

Sherrill and Gottheimer getting into the gubernatorial contest at more or less the same time does more than merely interrupt the broken record of New Jersey operatives flagrantly mispronouncing “Kamala” as a way of showing their disdain for 2024 in advance of 2025. It upends the field on the Democratic Party side of the equation, probably moving already-announced candidates Ras Baraka, Steve Sweeney, Sean Spiller, and Steven Fulop into the spaces behind the two congresspeople in search of statewide executive power. It also presents two more players on a creaking, 2024-mind-blown, Samuel Beckett stage already overcrowded with others seeking to individually cut to the quick of all the angst out there: Baraka (urban west), Spiller (Public Sector Labor), Sweeney (Building Trades Labor), and Fulop (urban east). Most insiders at this point describe Sherill as the frontrunner by virtue of establishment support for her in home county Essex, Middlesex, and Passaic; and Gottheimer as a close second on account of backing in home county Bergen, and North Hudson.

The failed U.S. Senate candidacy of Tammy Murphy subsequent to Bob Menendez’s sulfuric corruption meltdown, and Andy Kim’s delight in exposing the decay of the party establishment, not only on display in the convention process of the primary, but in a general election devoid of party GOTV, make the fledgling gubernatorial candidates wary of getting defined as the inside county party person.

In the face of Trump allies emboldened with the notion of New Jersey as a swing state, Democratic Party insiders toyed with the idea of an open primary next year, in part to accomplish what Biden-bottled Democrats couldn’t this year: namely, an intra-party contest enabling a fair slugfest resulting (presumably) in a unifying figure to bring along those vanquished others of a party in search of itself. But at the same time, the bosses didn’t want to consign themselves to total oblivion, as they quietly made the case perhaps for something not so absolute as all 21 counties going for a single candidate (like they did for Phil Murphy, for example, when he first showed up in 2017), or as voter-disparaging as a coronation without a primary (Harris), and appropriately appreciative of those divergent faces and interests of a 2024-mangled Democratic Party. Still without a front-tier Latino candidate to boost a key collapsing demographic, but likely headlined by the two imminent contestants from the United States Congress: Sherrill and Gottheimer, nothing could combat the blues like a fast-developing contest, or so one operative told InsiderNJ in Tuesday’s apocalyptic – but for the next election – aftermath.